Thursday, September 25, 2008

Statement of Ethics

IDS Senior Seminar
September 29, 2008

Statement on Research Ethics Concerning the Study of the Relationship Between the Internet and Activism

In 1979 the Belmont Report was issued by the United States Department of Health, Education and Welfare, and officially titled "Ethical Principles and Guidelines for the Protection of Human Subjects of Research." The initial intent of this significant document was to begin enforcing regulations regarding medical ethics pertaining to the application of research on the human subject. The report is based on three essential ethical principles: respect for persons, beneficence and justice.

As I am beginning research for my senior thesis for Interdisciplinary Studies I must be able to address any concerns pertaining to the ethical consequences of my project on any human subjects. My topic will involve the relationship between internet technologies and activism with particular interest appointed to the Appalachian State University chapter of the United Students Against Sweatshops movement. My research will necessitate work with human subjects as I intend to communicate regularly and primarily with members of the national USAS organization and the chapter at ASU. Though the ethical principles introduced in the Belmont Report were originally proposed for medical research, their applications can be utilized in a broader context to ensure the safety of individuals within the realm of any human subject research.

The first principle declared in the Belmont Report is simply put as respect for persons. This entails "protecting the autonomy of all people and treating them with courtesy and respect and allowing for informed consent." The application of this principle involves adequate information, comprehension and voluntariness. The objectives of my research are concise, clear and made readily available for all potential human subjects. A series of questions that I aim to answer through my studies present my topic well and ensure the respect for any persons involved: How is internet technology complementing and obstructing activists' efforts? How is internet technology redefining what counts as activism? How is small-scale, student-led activism on campuses throughout the United States specifically being affected? How is the ASU chapter of the USAS movement being affected? What does the future look like for activism as internet technology advances? The human subjects I mean to examine consider themselves activists and are interested in learning ways to improve their movement's campaign, and therefore comprehend the information about this topic of research and are certainly willing to participate voluntarily.

The next principle put forth stated the importance of beneficence, or "maximizing benefits for the research project while minimizing risks to the research subjects." What possible long-term effects may result from this improvement of knowledge? On the positive side of my research, benefits seem to abound for activists as a more lucid insight concerning how the internet could be used more effectively to assist campaigns would be made available. Conversely, it is difficult to determine what impending risks it may mean for society if these apparent "social improvements" are obtained. For example, with the race to end hunger many efforts have been directed by social organizations towards increasing food supplies to send to less fortunate peoples, yet many studies have proven that these increases ultimately cause population growth and hence more starvation.

What might it mean if the USAS operations and other anti-sweatshop movements were eventually entirely successful and ended all sweatshop labor? Would the economy suffer drastically under the regime of global capitalism, whose success exists due to extreme exploitation of workers? Would population increases follow with safe and fair working conditions as those once abused may be able to focus more on sexual gratification instead of their survival? These risks are certainly logical, but the elimination of the dangerous exploitation of workers, often women and children, still would be a remarkable benefit and, in my opinion, a pivotal step in creating a safer, more democratic world.

Another concern with the potential risks of a better understanding of how the internet could enhance social movements might involve its usage by socially detrimental organizations or individuals. For instance, the KKK and other neo-Nazi chapters have a multitude of websites in order to promote their social causes. If they attain knowledge of how to improve their supremacist endeavors this might result in the loss of freedoms or safety for targeted individuals. Then again, ideas of equality and peace have spread enormously in the past few decades, especially in industrialized societies with abundant internet technologies, and efforts to squander hate-filled sentiments have expanded substantially as the power of these types of groups has continuously waned.

Finally, the report endorsed the notion of justice, which ensures that "reasonable, non-exploitative, and well-considered procedures are administered fairly." Researchers must justify who ought to receive the benefits of their work and who ought to bear its burdens. Though all of the various tactics and causes activists endorse cannot be addressed here, it can be stated that activism recognizes both aspects of society which seemingly need improvement and institutions which must be challenged and dismantled in order to produce the desired changes. If I am to administer justice with my research I must demand that every social movement closely examine their policies and attempt to justify what these may eventually mean for those challenged.

If attending to the group I will be working with on my campus in this study, the ASU chapter of USAS, I must look at the distribution of benefits and burdens for all those involved. Many benefits would follow if university officials adopted the demands to ensure that our university products did not come from sweatshops. Appalachian students would be assured that they were not supporting sweatshop labor practices when they purchased university products and would likely feel far more pride in owning clothes, mugs, etc. with our logo on it. More serious benefits would affect the workers who make these products via the guarantee of safe working conditions and a fair wage.

On the other hand, burdens would fall on the corporations with whom we have contracts to provide university apparel and accessories. As of now, the university has stated that it will not sign onto an agreement to adopt measures of transparency in factories and other corporate practice because these actions may infringe anti-trust laws. Basically, until USAS can get legal consent from the United States Department of Justice, the question of justice in this case remains in examining whether (1) the adoption of these measures could possibly breach anti-trust laws and hurt ridiculously wealthy corporations or (2) whether sweatshop conditions should be allowed to easily continue dangerously exploiting underprivileged workers since there are few methods of transparency for corporate activities. I believe underprivileged workers have felt the burden for too long.

After scrutinizing the ethical principles established in the Belmont Report and their application to my specific research, I have concluded that though certain aspects to the completion of this study may slightly bend the stipulations set forth concerning beneficence, the potential benefits of this research to positive social improvements far outweighs any latent risks. In examining the relationship between internet technology and its particular usage by activists, this improvement of knowledge holds the promise of optimistic progress in the domain of social justice.

Tuesday, September 23, 2008

Cyberprotest Notes

Donk, Wim van de, et al., eds. Cyberprotest: New media, citizens and social movements. New York, NY: Routledge, 2004.

foreword
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citizens less and less impressed with traditional democratic institutions (mainly government), yet new, alternative movements developing to promote democratic causes (p.xi-xii)
-coincidentally(?), with the spread of the internet and other digital technologies in the 1990's came "a growing crisis of democracy". *theories--->dem. depends heavily on interaction between citizens, internet offers a unique communal space conducive to this interaction and also organizing
(xii-xiv)
-ICTs altering the production and understanding of knowledge(s), which is attributed to the "new strategies for gathering, storing, retrieving and utilizing information". (xv)

1 introduction
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communication within the realm of social movements is absolutely necessary and has historically been dependent on the interaction of people who are physically present together, though this has also been assisted by available media (newspapers, brochures, flyers, newsletters, radio, tv, etc) (1)
- this compilation aims to provide further insight to the studies of info tech and democratic movements because with the astounding rate of development for each there is plenty of room for a continuous discussion and analysis of such a constantly evolving topic (2)
-hard to study due to the way social organizations generally operate--->*informal, fragmented, at times disorganized (compared to traditional groups and gov't) but seems to gain strength with organization and vice versa with time; *use of unconventional means for long-term goals/causes (3-4)
- change from almost all small groups in specific locations and with specific constituencies to many large-scale movements crossing all borders possible; the internet seems to provide for these new characteristics by inherently condoning "diversity, decentralization, informality and grassroots democracy rather than unity, centralization, formality and strong leadership."(4)
-must recognize the reciprocal tendencies between the internet tech and activism because not only does internet tech provide unique means of networking, but at the same time this tech has been manipulated in certain ways to carry activist efforts forward--->essentially, we have chosen how the internet has developed with what we were initially provided, "impacts must be considered as outcomes" (6)
-varying perspectives of the definition of activism and its rate of success (must see that many more possibilities exist):
*resource mobilization>an organization's success is determined by the group's ability to access resources ($, commitment and time offered, political power, knowledge, etc) and their gradual development towards being more organized and professional
*political opportunity structure and political process>recognizes the small and large scale aspects of a group's social context (what will the system allow?)
*ideology, identity and persuasion>must understand general beliefs, the need for a collective identity, and the ways used to persuade and assemble members/followers to analyze how goals and strategies develop; problems addressed are not natural occurrences but socially constructed-->"How are the perceptions of a certain problem managed" and used to correct the problem? (7-12)
-"protest is the politics of the powerless" (12)
-must attempt to outline contextual specificity and basic framework for org.: physical space occupied, ideologies, issues and sub-issues (how do diff issues demand +/- tech?), networks and organizations, strategies and actions (radical groups more likely to not use tech with smaller groups and actions they prob wouldn't want to be surveyed) *even though the internet provides the means for extensive interaction, this is often not practiced by organizations in order to retain as much interest as possible in their own causes, opinions, actions, etc. (14-17)
-"preliminary observations":*ICTs used more and more by highly different organizations, though with varying proportions and goals based on each context
*this tech facilitates traditional forms of protest like rallies, demonstrations, petitions, etc but it does not supplant them
*allows for immediate mobilization and/or dissemination of info
*allows for info that is normally repressed by more established media to be provided
*affects internal structure by encouraging decentralization
*if groups and their opponents have equal access to the same tech then there should be no significant alterations in their power-struggle

ch. 2 media strategies of protest (opposing views of internet use)
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traditional mass media (tv, radio and newpapers) pivotal for spreading a movement's message, otherwise it will not reach the masses; must get media's attention for positive coverage to influence others; internet highly useful for storage and dissemination of info (for those who have the internet and are generally already interested), but groups/ind. still rely on physical meetings and traditional mass media (29-30)
-"social movements, by definition, strive for change in society." (31); some try to change the opinions of citizens and others try to change the system before any real differences can happen; some use physical contact with a more immediate target for interactions with more depth and others attempt to reach the masses with more superficial techniques (qualitative vs quantitative mobilization) of mass media (I'll use MM); but MM depictions ultimately shape the strength and progress of movements and their messages via public visibility and acceptance, ergo the basis of what politicians represent; protests and mobilization (any other tactics that might interest the public when lots of other news is flourishing) fuel coverage because the goals of MM ultimately revolve around #'s and not partisan views (debatable?) for economic purposes (31-34)
-"movement activities often involve drama and spectacle, passion and emotion, conflict and threat-aspects in which the mass media are generally interested." (36)
-changes over time:
*New Left- 1960's; strong critique of the est. media, occasionally direct action against such media; did not adapt at all to mass media standards for attention, but tried radical action to get attention (MM were just part of ruling capitalist system which contributed to the "false consciousness" about the actual state of power relations); alternatives used were their own intellectual journals, but no daily newspapers and could only reach small audiences (38-44)
*New Social Movements- 70's and 80's; attacks on MM fairly moderate; gradually adapted to MM as MM slowly becoming more sympathetic to activists and began to professionalize w/ media strategies according to needs and expectations of MM; alternatives included local movement media (weeklies, monthlies, free radios, etc) and the creation of daily nationwide newspapers in some countries; range of media widened (some radical groups, of course) (44-49)
* Transnational Movements against neo-liberalism/globalization- 90's on; attacks on MM pretty moderate w/ exceptions by radical groups who felt criminalized; media strategies highly professionalized (goal of activists) w/ radical or spectacular action employed again; alternatives include a streamlining of alternative presses, growing importance of the internet, creation of the worldwide news service, Indymedia; use of print media greatly reduced
***contemporary internet use:
-purposes: (1) convenient, fast, cheap means to find facts/info about organizations
(2) tool for ppl/groups to easily exchange info, coordinate and ally, esp. email
(3)used to mobilize for conventional actions (rallies, blockades, picketing, etc)
(4)can be used for "virtual action" where tech is a weapon and target; example-groups services of their opponents, or make fake websites of opponents w/ subversive info
**advantages: very clear with transnational communication, otherwise cumbersome and costly; example-zapatistas
-lots of groups now can distribute info of alternative news, indymedia
**since academic researchers use it as main source of info for activist groups they often overestimate its relevance to a movement's cause:
-because so many diverse groups on internet and can join a campaign, important to core organizers to build trust/solidarity w/ personal connections
-internet protests not as impressive as ones that require personal investment where one can physically encounter a mass of protesters
-electronic protests or hackactivism can be done on a large scale by one or few, so hard to tell how widespread the cause is
-internet very open so it lacks quality control and credibility found in MM
-not distinctly an internal or external media for groups, not created or controlled by movements or the "establishment"
-this convenience and efficiency may not mean a larger impact, MM still needed
-opponents use these same tools and efficient means for their message
-"easily available channels and pieces of information create a situation where the avg citizen risks drowning in a sea of "noise" produced by an immense # of groups and issues." (53) (49-53)

Ch. 3 Analysis of anti-corporate websites
-
new anti-corporate movement holding big business accountable, but fundamentally concerned with politics and societal change
-individual companies targeted sometimes as examples or symbols of general problems
-most of these websites are linked, which helps prove the significance of the overall movement on the internet and in general
-100's of websites for consumers who want to find info on corporations, build relations with other political consumers and/or take action to create transparency
-political consumer: one who considers values when shopping and purposefully buys or abstains from purchasing specific commodities for a political goal; also seen as a form of democratic participation(57-58)
-extensive internet usage for mobilization of the famous WTO protests in Seattle
-why go after companies and not politicians?: corporations chosen deliberately as a beginning to drawing attention to a problem since they can be used to alter public beliefs and wake up politicians because industry leaders have the astute awareness of the public and government, also other companies get scared
-why is anti-corporate activism needed?: during the 80's and 90's waves of trade/investment liberalization allowed for severely increased corporate liberty; industries moving towards more expanding mergers so they also have much economic, social and political power; using marketing strategies, corporations portray themselves as embodiments of vague values or lifestyles (freedom, health, harmony) instead of just providers of commodities, but this can be used against companies easily as production standards usually do not match the claims they suggest (59-61)
-note: companies are known for studying websites and other strategies of activist efforts against them, some examples listed-->"the rhetoric and storytelling techniques of specific organizations, the actual links and networks created between related activist groups, and the values which make up a social community among these groups."(62)
- whenever groups link together extensively in the name of social change, they become "multi-headed force, impossible to decapitate." (62) some do not and they may be attempting to make just one overall statement, others admit they are just one part of a greater social movement (74); network politics because each group has something specific to bring to the table of the fight for human rights and the condition of the planet (75)
-some campaigns are for a single cause, which would terminate their presence if their demands were attained, but many propose ongoing ideological or value-based campaigns
-some websites are just databases of several types of information on corporate figures and/or accusations
-websites are judged by the status or legitimacy of their creators, but usually the quality of the site and the option of varied interaction on a website has meant more than the celebrity-status of an established NGO(65)
-again, singling out huge transnational corporations like mcdonalds works well because they stand as symbols of big business that pursue growth and revenue without respect for anything that might hinder those efforts; they epitomize the market and societal issues (71)
-most websites are not technologically savvy
as even sound and audio files are not normally seen, interactivity is many times limited particularly involving debate; the internet is used more for its storage capacities to display what action has already been taken and where the group is going, the groups message, info on their targets or cause, emailed news reports, etc. (71-72)
-though not much interactivity, users can join specific campaigns by sending donations and using some web capacities such as downloading web banners, stickers or posters for your personal webspace, or forwarding emails, e-cards, banners, etc.; it's fast to do these things and one usually does not have to be a member
-some sites show subversive renditions of corporate logos/images to ridicule them (72)
-3 types of website usage:
*info-oriented site: solely a tactic for reducing the effects of too much dishonest info across the global market, provides info to consumers so they can make educated decisions
*mobilization-oriented site: used to spread the message and a positive image of a movement to a greater mass, typically managed top-down with little interactivity or input from users
*community-oriented site: tries to implement tools to allow users to interact more extensively, citizens are encouraged to form relationships and debate (73)
-internet a major factor as to how anti-corporate movements are globalized similar to their corporate adversaries
-since these sites arent tech. advanced, this implies that movements want to use the internet for lowering transaction costs for event planning, and general campaigning; the posting of incriminating info concerning these corporations has made it more difficult for exploitation that was easier whenever traditional media had a sort of info monopoly and could easily be bought out (75)
-these sites help bring more people into direct citizen participation in politics and activism, whereas before political consumers could only buy or boycott (76)

Ch. 4: ICT's in contemporary anti-capitalist movements
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definition of social mvment: "a social movement is a network of informal interactions between a plurality of individuals, groups and/or organizations, engaged in a political or cultural conflict, on the basis of a shared collective identity." (78) they try to shift the imbalance of power in their particular situation by inventing their own new meanings and effectively spreading them; this effectiveness is based on a group's ability to communicate well within their constituency and with the general public
-extensive use of internet because of its immense communication cababilities, BUT:
*some "Green" groups believe that technology is not neutral and cannot be used to create social justice(81)
*relationships generated online are superficial, one-dimensional
*groups like Indymedia characterized by broad participative management structures with "open publishing" software allowing users to upload varies kinds of info and materials, but often these sites are not sure how to use this technology when a major event is not being covered (82)
*again, info overload; though communication is much faster this does not mean good decisions are consistently made with it-->may strengthen present power imbalance; info overload comes from both too much info and the disorganization of info; while ppl want more and more info to become "informed" there is a point where too much is provided and things become confusing and can halt effective communication; to insure that info is well organized and sufficient a political collectivity is required for sorting info which means forms of labor division and centralization used to determine what info will reach users (85-86)
*use of internet highlights problem with distribution of resources across the globe, in many places very expensive or not even available
*internet not particularly effective at knowledge regeneration at times of low activity (88)
*nature of information: expressed info will always be somewhat misrepresented and misinterpreted because of the difference in context for the individual, which is exacerbated with the increase of distance from the initial source(s) of info; to be informed means a level of trust and even though sites may create a space for ongoing dialogue , info overload is blinding compared with the knowledge and wisdom that is more available with face-to-face meetings with activists who have experienced and learned from struggles against capital or the state (89-90)
*sites do well covering events and particular info for a group, but there's little room made for an explanation of the overall process of social change; a lot of sloganeering of vast arrays of info and what they coherently mean for society (90)
*ICT's usage is often made more effective when integrated into the use of many communication tools (91)
*activists' websites still mainly in Engrish (yes, done on purpose), this marginalizes those outside of the language and inhibits engrish-speakers from insight into social injustices that develop around the globe (92)
*social movements usually participate in the "online wing of radical movements, rather than the radical wing of online cultures", there is a "political struggle for the future of the electronic commons" (92)
*movements can become victims of their own success, which is strengthened by the internet; expansion increases the distance between a movement and its constituency (93)

Ch. 5 New Media, New Movements?
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some research depicts people who use the internet for political activism were generally already interested in politics, yet participation has been made much easier by internet technology
-newer, citizen-based groups benefit more from the internet since they cannot rely on the types of formal support/funding that political parties can (97)
-interaction found only on the internet lacks trust for solid relationships(98)
-anti-globalization efforts badly named since since it is specifically the neo-liberal brand of globalization that is contested: the form (structure, decision-making procedures) and policies (free market, deregulation of trade, and environmental degradation) (99)
-1999 campaign against WTO in Seattle one of the first major transnational mobilizations for physical protest; StopWTO Round distribution list sent out detailed info on WTO practices; many links with the anti-WTO coalition; internet tech. helped establish a division of labor between organizations; allowed those who couldn't physically protest to participate in a virtual "sit-in", blocking access to sites, sending emails/faxes to disrupt the WTO info flow;
many other similar protests have followed suit against organizations such as the European Union and the G8
(101-103)
-internet is lacking a master list of all organizations in the anti-globalization struggle; search engines not great for general searches (105)
-diff groups and their websites share collective ideas and frames about the meaning of their specific cause and the overall movement; "they use the same references or interpretations" (107)
-often, websites are sure to provide their group's message and information to support their cause, but vague about their structure/composition; amount of links and other sources for external info are impressive (107)
-most websites have broad definitions of their causes or their targets; ex-anti-globalization sites are known for highlighting the economic aspects of neo-liberal globalization such as free trade and monopolistic dominance, and the other aspects render their own groups/websites/explanations (environment, human rights, etc.)(111)
-most sites only offer basic feedback opportunities like email although more technology conducive to citizen-based interaction is available (forums, chat rooms, etc)
-most sites do not present an ideal and precise alternative/strategy, yet they are not political parties who MUST offer clear solutions (113-114)
-most sites provide a calendar or list of upcoming events, diff. ways of how to get involved, how to use certain traditional activist techniques, most do not offer online protest opportunities- even basic online petitions (115)
-social movement known as a social network of formal and informal groups; globalization is a diverse and complex issue that can involve many groups for diff. reasons (greens, labor unions, anarchists, 3rd world movements, etc); "hypertext links set the web apart from other media such as television, newspapers or magazines" (116) so groups have a unique way to refer to groups that share or oppose their cause; any missing links mean a weaker network; YET many links do not necessarily mean a strong connection between groups; most of the info can be located online without links (116-120)
-"have the new forms of communication...changed the 'logic of collective action' or just the speed of protest diffusion?...It seems that the fluid, non-hierarchical structure of the internet and thost of the the international protest coalition prove to be a good match and that it is no coincidence that both can be labeled as a 'network of networks'" (121)
-"If the same globalization would have occurred without the existence of the web or email, the same transnational protest movement would have founded. Perhaps with a bit more tension, and not that fast, but the movement would have come there for sure." (121)

Ch. 5: Strengths and vulnerabilities of networked politics
-while protests against neo-liberal globalization tactics have existed since the 80's, since the introduction of internet technology has presented strengths and weaknesses within groups with the organization of political action concerning geographical, cultural, ideological and issue boundaries
-example of growth factor:Indymedia started w/ its activist info network from one outlet and expanded to over 100 in just the 3 years after Seattle(123)
-with the encouragement of individualism in our late/post modern age, the internet has facilitated the development of social organizations from a once hierarchal, centralized, collective identity to "social recognition systems for individuals"; before groups were attempting to form their cause around shared identifications between the leaders, ideologies, memberships, etc; "networked individualism: the ease of establishing personal links that enable ppl to join more diverse and more numerous political communities thn they would ordinarily join in the material world."; present movements have central components or factions but now they are not likely to be centered around the wants, preferences, or biases of one leader or few (126-127)
-good reason for widely spread communication efforts: many protested policies are not being dealt with by gov't because corporations have had so much gov't protection/deregulation they have been allowed to create a sphere of issues that reach beyond conventional politics; but being argued that the current nature of social movements does not produce significant, long lasting subpolitics even if they call out govts for their inadequacies; organizational make-ups are constantly morphing, coalitions come together and fall apart quickly, issues addressed are usually relatively short-termed without long-term ideologies which means commitments are short-term w/out many deeply held loyalties (127-128)
-comm. networks have allowed social transactions to be done w/ ease and much personal engagement, this has particularly affected the way individuals approach the identity issues of collective actions (129)
-since movements today are more decentralized and spread out as large networks it is difficult to shut them down (130) on the other hand, centralized ones can be stopped; but decentralized ones can be joined easily and new perspectives can be shared to expand charges against certain policies; then again, these have "thin ties that make for unstable conditions, communication noise, lack of clarity about goals, and weak idea framing; another good thing-easier for groups to regather their forces if they experience detrimental consequences(132)
-USAS EXAMPLE : with the fair labor movement, Global Exchange protested heavily against Nike and once Nike had promised to improve work conditions the group left the movement; afterwards other groups such as USAS and Press for Change continued the movement saying that not enough had been done and there was need for a strong monitoring system over corporate factories to insure established labor standards; student groups took the lead and altered the main focus of the movement towards the verification of corporate improvements (132-133)
-decentralized networks may entail intellectual contradictions, but conflict is normally reduced as diverse groups and individuals work together; this may mean "considerable disagreement among key players" about appropriate solutions/actions; "rather than trying to find an issue, identity, or ideology that joined so many diff players in enduring battles on so many fronts...it makes more sense to think that the openness of the network itself is the defining quality-inviting diverse activists to use the visibility of the target company and its aggressive culture to raise the visibility of their many diverse causes. Such networks can give voice to member organizations without necessarily producing collective action frames of the sort that we generally associate with the growth of movements." (135)
-this diversity is also useful to eliminate bureaucracy and endorse equality/democracy among members(135)
-"the degrees of ideological discourse and identity framing in a network are inversely related to: the # and diversity of groups in the network; the curn, or turnover of links; the equality of communication access established by hub sites in the network; and the degree to which network traffic involves campaigns." (136)
-can develop into confusing arrays of diff. organizations in very diff. national, state, etc. contexts (137)
-easy for organizations to "move on" to new movements, especially if they offer coordinating or info functions to campaigns; groups can leave a movement before they are entirely defined by it; usually don't make identity demands of movements either (138)
-groups can demonstrate much diversity and interdisciplinarity with a variety of participating groups/individuals, especially via new user interfaces (139)
-internal development has been affected within groups particularly with new communication practices; example the ATTAC movement that started in France began with local factions only representing their groups at administrative council mtgs., now groups have the internet and have spread to regions around the world that do no require face-to-face mtgs., the electronic network is sometimes the only communications certain groups have with the entire organization (140)
-internet changing how news is made and used by the mass media; journalists look to the internet for stories; space w/out the filters and conventions of MM which significantly weakens the capacity of MM (141); but how can groups that have realized how to get good press for certain campaigns not find ways to do the same for mass demonstrations? (144)
-same aspects of today's communication/ internet technology that makes activists' efforts so strong also makes them vulnerable to issues of control, decision-making and collective identity; have allowed for extensive parallel public records of events since groups can post their own stories with their own perspectives; groups have organized rapidly and uniquely in response to "chaotic real-time situations"; development of movements now eased since the issue of collective identity is largely avoidable; as an individual we now do not have to view problems through the eyes of only certain groups but we can look at them through many more perspectives provided through such a dynamic network (145)
-the more permeable the boundaries of diff. organizations, the more people "can join campaigns, protests and virtual communities w/ few ideological or partisan divisions" (146)

Ch. 8 Does the internet really democratize knowledge?
-internet used today not only for mobilization and protest, but also to find new supporting info and gain knowledge from experts
-social movements today try to have flexible forms of organization and dispel power hierarchies via transparency and democracy; usually only a small # of members are paid and local factions claim strong autonomy; internet seems conducive to this social form w/ networks easily made and renewed, and more decentralized; many want networks that allow info to be produced and diffused more easily by more members (166)
-knowledge is very important to groups; made apparent by overwhelming majority of well-educated members and minority of working-class members (167)
-the issues of transnational groups are very complex and require experts to provide data to support claims; they are supposed to produce the info and then make it easily spread and accessible to members, particularly via the internet; obviously a top-down relationship, but activists accept this "asymmetry of knowledge" as it supposedly allows all members to become experts and diminish the differences between experts and non-experts; but anyone can put anything on the net so it takes those w/ a keen sense of online bullshit to really benefit; internet a good tool for unity since just putting links to various themes/ideas on the same page implies their relevance to each other; this could be considered "frame extension" or "frame clouding" with causes online seeming like a "hotchpotch of ideas; (169-172)
-the internet could be seen as widening the knowledge gap between certain members; many do not have the info rich internet; those who do have the internet are divided too, those who are connected to the movement as internet users make up a minority mainly of an educated class who generally find the internet as a free, professional tool, and the more they actively use the internet, the more active they are as supporters; many sites for larger transnational organizations have two discussion boards for those who coordinate the activities for local factions and another for everyone(173-174)
-even if there are discussion boards, they are usually dominated by few that respond extensively to each other and very little to anyone else who may make a comment/argument; members use "informal tone, spontaneous judgments, immediate reactions, controversies, and also 'tactic actions' which aim at imposing a leader through synthesis, quotations or manipulations of messages; (174-178)
-internet can be seen as a contemporary public space like that of the bourgeois scene at the end of the 1700's, but then and now there are exclusions, ideologies and unique models founding these spaces; for groups today, the use of electronic tools is required if you want to be an active supporter/organizer for a cause; there are still discussions and contests w/in social groups mainly just between few specialists and main organizers (178-179)

ch. 9 Internet and the organizational infrastructure of a social movement
-social movements concentrate on specific issues and allow citizens to be selective about what they want to get involved in with politics (184)
-the current possible uses of the internet for groups revolve around certain variables: 1- organizational characteristics, or the function they fulfill w/in the greater movement and its internal structure; 2- availability of resources; 3- perception of opportunities provided by the internet (185)
-often, open forums or discussion of opinions is not included because groups do not want their members or others to take control of the group's agenda (187)
-costs of setting up website initially are low; some groups can't even afford the hardware, though; 50% of poorer organizations had no website, while only 15% of more wealthy groups didn't; also, staff is needed to maintain a site and poorer organizations depend on the knowledge of volunteers (187-188)
-internet a "dimension of empowerment. The only threshold of the 'technology itself', in particular the masculine images that were surrounding it." (188)
-virtual organizations only share space online, the lines that divide groups, resources, people, etc are vague and waning (188)
-virtual and physical groups make up the infrastructure of a movement (189)
-the use of internet develops with time and resources, at first information retrieval and availability is primary in making a group's current action plan more efficient, as this info flow is perfected (another significant process) groups can become more innovative w/ the internet with new forms of collective action and interaction, this also comes with groups become more externally oriented (190)
-if groups move online and make their site the only information center that would entail changes all throughout the organization, especially concerning a relationship with clients (must go to their virtual space to get info, no human contact) (196)
-virtual communities generally claim to have no political aims or institutional relationships to movements, but do practice social cyber-activities that aim at empowerment and self-construction by individual agents (198), but these may prompt users to join related movements (200)

Ch. 234 internet not symbolic, only instrumental?
-some studies show that as new campaigns move onto the internet that this networking produces collective identity
-"collective action itself is an indication that the actors involved have achieved a certain extent a of collective identity", therefore the use of the internet for any collective action=collective identity (235)
-groups that are in some ways opposed that must come together for collective action via mobilization must find some sort of 'groupness'; this happens w/ identity formation;
3 elements of collective identity:
*shared sense of "we" or solidarity due to a seemingly important shared characteristic
*members have a consciousness made of shared interpretive frameworks (political stance, goals, means, environment, etc of movement)
*share a culture that holds at least one characteristic/view that is contrary to the dominant order (236)
-making and maintaining a collective identity demands a network of active relationships between members, which means the individual must be involved in direct interactions; the internet allows for direct interactions as a medium, but some are weary of the internet's capabilities in creating the shared trust that is necessary to social movements (236-237)
-Queer Sisters formed in 1995 in Hong Kong and made a website in '97 (237); aim to find a sense of identity but also must fight for the end of stable identity (238)
-via an e-bulletin board, the group certainly formed a sense of "we" as lesbians have a particular space to express feelings, etc and most said they feel a sense of belonging with the QS group due to the board (241-242)
-groups must make their shared identity somehow stand out from others (242)
-QS seemed not to have a collective consciousness from this online participation; the online board did not involve politics, mobilization or action really, but just a space for lesbians that did not necessarily need to actively support the values and goals of QS; "consciousness if developed in a process in which groups re-evaluate themselves, their subjective experience, their opportunities, and their shared interests" (243-244)
-definitely developed a culture outside the norm in that all of these women went against the general male-female intimate relationship structure (248); obvious that a consciousness did not develop because the group did not fight together to gain recognition from the norm (249)
-online participants may not want or be able to join offline efforts due to a lack of resources or other influencing factors (250)
-2 things promote solidarity:
*using pre-existing social relationships
*finding organizational forms that support personal needs of participants and embody collective identity
-to build collective consciousness a groups must commit conscious strategic efforts to build a shared "understanding of the world and of themselves among constituents to legitimize and motivate collective action" (252)
-QS saw the board more as a service provided for the lesbian community rather than an instrument to further their goals (253), but this type of interaction on the board declaring feelings, desires, experiences, etc in order to gain recognition/influence is collective action (256)
-a lot depends on the intentions of a group










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the impetuous beginning of a thesis

rough initial abstract:

The internet and other developing information/communication technologies are complementing activists' efforts and goals well in many ways. However, conflicting issues continue to arise with the evolution of advanced networking tools. Particular relevance concerning the impact of information and communication technologies within the efforts of of the Appalachian State University chapter of the United Students Against Sweatshops movement has been examined through personal experience and analysis. This case study provides a uniquely small-scale, student-led organizational perspective to the ongoing discourse of this dynamic relationship with respect to its presence in the interaction of historical institutions. Furthermore, the future reaches of activism are expected to continually reshape based on the significant influence of a developing system of technologies.


outline of research subdivisions to be concentrated on in sections of my thesis paper:
1- the symbiotic relationship between advancing activism and advancing technologies; current techonologies (websites, wikis, cell phones, podcasts, statistics gathering, etc.); developing state of activism

2-positive complementary aspects of info/comm tech. to activism

3-concerns and hindrances to activism:
*privacy; the digital divide (not everyone has access to internet and other tech.; also an uneven distribution of knowledge and power);
*though convenient, not as captivating as a group together directly organizing, debating, interacting, or talking to people with fresh interest;
*fragmented knowledge of the full survey of issues (the way much of the internet is constructed, people only have to search the arguments they are interested in and just click away from opposing sides as websites, etc. generally only promote their cause and organization);
*currently, the medium of younger generations

4-contextual specificity of ASU chapter of USAS and its relevance as a case study; physical space occupied, ideological tendencies, issue areas and their specific subdivisions, networks and organizations, forms of action and stategies
*how do these aspects effect "the extent to which and the way in which info/comm tech are used"?

5-USAS use of tech. and successes; national website, facebook, email, textmob, conference calls

6-troubles found by USAS with tech:
*little input from pro-sweatshop arguments with our networking tech- when spreading the word on campus or by organizing debates we get discussion;
*University administrators have access to campus email;
*conspiracy charges; no where near the excitement in the cause;
*workshops, conferences, debates, real life action, etc still key to effectively moving forward

7-USAS wiki building process: *cannot use ASU webspace since we are not an officially recognized organization
*why wiki? not a website?
* process

8-forthcoming tech and predicted positive and negative impact on activism; possible reciprocal effect on the internet?

9-concluding statements